KEY POINTS
- TLP clashes with police leave five dead near Lahore.
- Party protests turn violent as authorities dismantle Muridke camp.
- Founded in 2015 by firebrand cleric Khadim Hussain Rizvi.
- Emerged after Mumtaz Qadri’s execution, championing blasphemy laws.
- Faizabad sit-in 2017 cemented TLP’s street power.
- Barelvi revival turns confrontational under Rizvi’s leadership.
- Gained 2.89 million votes in 2024 general elections.
- Protests against France boosted TLP’s conservative popularity.
- Government bans TLP in 2021, later lifts restriction.
ISLAMABAD: After the recent violent clashes between the extreme right-wing politico-religious outfit Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) and police in Muridke, around 33 kilometres north of Lahore, the provincial capital of Punjab, which resulted in multiple deaths and injuries from both sides, the Punjab government is considering imposing a ban on TLP.
This marks the second time the TLP risks facing a ban, the last being in 2021 after similar street violence. In response to the escalating unrest, Chief Minister Punjab Maryam Nawaz and her law-and-order team are considering placing the TLP on the Fourth Schedule of the Anti-Terrorism Act, which would severely limit the group’s activities, including restricting its members’ movement and freezing its assets.
The Punjab government has also enforced stricter laws on weapons possession and public gatherings, signalling a tough stance on the group’s activities.
According to a police report, the violent clashes led to the deaths of 11 police officers, with 1,648 officers injured, and 69 left permanently disabled. The protests also claimed the lives of 16 civilians, with 54 others suffering serious injuries.
In the aftermath of the unrest, 97 vehicles were completely destroyed, leaving them inoperable, while two others were set ablaze. Furthermore, 10 police buildings sustained severe damage. The police have now released the full record of these events, underscoring the scale of the violence and destruction.
TLP’s rise has shattered the long-held perception of Barelvis as a politically quiescent and peaceful majority, exposing instead a potent and volatile street force that has repeatedly challenged the writ of the state.
Talking to WE News English, Waseem Elahi advocate, said that, in Pakistan, a provincial government cannot unilaterally ban a political party without consulting the federal government. While provinces do have significant autonomy in managing law and order within their jurisdiction, the power to ban a political party falls under federal jurisdiction, especially when the measures involve national security or constitutional principles.
The Constitution of Pakistan and relevant laws, such as the Anti-Terrorism Act, allow for the federal government to take action against any party deemed a threat to public order, security, or peace, including its potential ban.
However, the provincial government can request or propose such a ban based on local security situations, like those involving violence or extremism, and might take steps like placing a party on the Fourth Schedule (which limits the movements and activities of individuals or organizations linked to terrorism).
Once the provincial government takes such steps, he said, the federal government typically must be involved in the decision, particularly if the ban affects the entire country, involves national security, or requires enforcement at the federal level (e.g., social media bans, asset seizures). The Interior Ministry of the federal government has the final say when it comes to enforcing such bans under national laws.
پنجاب پولیس کا ایک اور بہادر جوان فرض کی راہ پر قربان..
ایس ایچ او فیکٹری ایریا شیخوپورہ شہزاد نواز نے امن و امان کے قیام، شہریوں کی جان و مال کی حفاظت کے دوران، ملک کی خاطر جان کا نذرانہ پیش کر دیا، مسلح جتھوں کی فائرنگ سے جام شہادت نوش کر گئے۔ آئی جی پنجاب ڈاکٹر عثمان انور کا… pic.twitter.com/m1TeJ3yDpF— Punjab Police Official (@OfficialDPRPP) October 13, 2025
Roots of radical face
The TLP is a far-right religious and political party in Pakistan, founded in 2015 by a firebrand cleric, Khadim Hussain Rizvi. Its origin is rooted in religious sentiment—particularly around issues related to blasphemy and the sanctity of Islam.
The movement gained traction after the execution of Mumtaz Hussain Qadri in February 2016, who had assassinated Punjab Governor Salman Taseer in January 2011. Taseer’s call for reforming Pakistan’s blasphemy laws sealed his fate, as Qadri—a policeman—viewed the stance as blasphemous.
The protests again showcased TLP’s capacity to mobilise large sections of the population around issues they perceive as attacks on Islamic sanctity.
Rizvi, hailing form the Barelvi school of thought, capitalised on the groundswell of sympathy for Qadri among conservative segments of Pakistanis, particularly those who saw him as a martyr of the honour of Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him). He launched the TLP to push for stricter enforcement of blasphemy laws and promotion of orthodoxy. The party’s name, Labbaik (meaning “Here I am!”) reflects devotion and readiness to defend the honour of Prophet Muhammad (Peace Be Upon Him)—a slogan that has become both its battle cry and political brand.
From streets to spotlight
The TLP’s first major political act was a protest in Lahore in 2016, following the execution of Mumtaz Qadri. The sit-in served as a show of muscle, marking the party’s debut as a force to be reckoned with in Pakistan’s religious right. While it gained no immediate political representation, it firmly placed the TLP on the national map.
Likewise, in November 2017, the TLP organised one of its most significant and impactful protests, known as the Faizabad sit-in. The group opposed an amendment to the oath of office for parliamentary candidates, claiming that it undermined blasphemy laws and violated the honour of the Prophet (PBUH).
The party has often provoked people under the guise of religion, manipulating religious sentiments to rally support and advance its political agenda.
Thousands of protestors, led by Khadim Hussain Rizvi, brought the capital to a standstill for weeks, locking horns with the law-enforcers and paralysing daily life. After prolonged negotiations, the Pakistani government buckled under pressure, agreeing to several TLP’s demands, including the resignation of the then law minister. The Faizabad episode underscored TLP’s ability to hold the state hostage through street power.
Rise of religious populism
TLP’s entry into politics focused on mobilising the religious vote, especially among urban lower-middle-class and rural Punjabis. While the party has a minimal presence in Pakistan’s legislative bodies—with just a single seat in the Punjab Assembly—let alone securing the ability to form a government, TLP’s influence has forced mainstream parties to address the demands of its supporters, often softening their stance on issues related to religion, blasphemy laws, and Islamic orthodoxy.
After the death of Shah Ahmed Noorani in December 2003, the Barelvi political representation entered a period of decline as the Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan faded into obscurity. The Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan has since filled this vacuum, but with a far more confrontational edge.
It is the most organised, politically successful, and confrontational Barelvi organisation in Pakistan’s history.
The TLP’s rise has shattered the long-held perception of Barelvis as a politically quiescent and peaceful majority, exposing instead a potent and volatile street force that has repeatedly challenged the writ of the state.
In the 2018 general elections, the TLP made a bold entry into the political landscape. The TLP secured around 2.2 million votes, with Rizvi himself contesting from multiple constituencies but failing to win any seats. However, the fact that the TLP attracted a substantial vote base reflected the growing influence of hardline religious politics in Pakistan.
Its ability to disrupt the country through street power rather than democratic processes further undermines the stability of an already polarised political system.
In 2024, general elections, the TLP garnered a total of 2.89 million votes, according to an analysis by Gallup Pakistan. This figure marks a significant increase of 760,000 votes compared to their performance in the 2018 elections, showing that it was no flash in the pan but a force growing in strength and strategy.
Rage against France
In 2019, TLP led another significant protest against France, following the controversial remarks by French President Emmanuel Macron about the publication of Charlie Hebdo’s blasphemous drawings of Prophet Muhammad.
The TLP called for the expulsion of the French ambassador from Pakistan, and large-scale protests occurred across the country, further elevating the party’s stature in the eyes of conservative Muslims.
TLP also issued a call for boycotting French products and took to the streets in large numbers. The protests again showcased TLP’s capacity to mobilise large sections of the population around issues they perceive as attacks on Islamic sanctity.
After Rizvi’s death in 2020, his son Saad Hussain Rizvi took the reins, keeping the torch burning. The party sought to expand its base among working-class youth and project itself as a defender of faith against Western excesses. TLP’s calls for imposing stricter blasphemy laws and banning controversial foreign diplomats positioned the party as an interlocutor for religious conservatives in Pakistan.
Clashes and crackdowns
In April 2021, the TLP protests in Lahore over Saad Rizvi’s arrest boiled over into violence. The Pakistani government, fearing further chaos, banned the party as a terrorist organisation—a move that opened a Pandora’s box for unrest nationwide.
In Lahore, the protests turned violent, with clashes resulting in several deaths and hundreds of injuries. Amid mounting pressure, the government later backtracked, releasing Saad Rizvi and lifting the ban—an act many saw as giving in to mob pressure.
On February 27, 2023, the TLP called a nationwide shutter-down strike against IMF-driven fuel hikes, flexing its muscles once more. In October 2025, it staged demonstrations outside the US Embassy in Islamabad in solidarity with Palestinians. However, the protests spun out of control, leaving 11 party workers dead, further damaging its image.
ریاست پر حملہ، پولیس پر گولیاں اور تشدد، املاک کی تباہی اور لوٹ مار یہ احتجاج نہیں کھلی بغاوت ہے دہشتگردی ہے ٹی ایل پی کے مسلح جتھے قانون بالاتر نہیں جب ریاست اپنی رٹ منواتی ہے تو یہ نقاب پوش مجرم مظلوم بننے کا ڈرامہ رچاتے ہیں، مگر یہ سن لیں کہ ریاست کمزور نہیں۔۔۔ pic.twitter.com/BLBdaTI9qz
— Government of Punjab (@GovtofPunjabPK) October 13, 2025
Exploiting belief for power
The TLP has faced mounting criticism for fanning the flames of extremism under the cloak of religion. It has been accused of whipping up emotions rather than promoting reasoned debate.
The party has often provoked people under the guise of religion, manipulating religious sentiments to rally support and advance its political agenda. This exploitation of faith for political purposes has created a polarising atmosphere, encouraging emotional responses rather than rational debate.
It has also been accused of using mosques’ loudspeakers as a tool for emotional blackmail. By amplifying their rhetoric, often in an inflammatory and provocative manner, they have been able to rally large crowds, creating an environment of fear and urgency that pressures both the public and the government into responding to their demands.
The group has also faced criticism for promoting obscene language and hate speech under the banner of religious piety. TLP leaders, taking their cue from the party’s founder Khadim Hussain Rizvi, have been known to use inflammatory and aggressive language in their speeches, which not only undermines the sanctity of religious discourse but also contributes to a culture of intolerance and hostility.
Furthermore, the TLP’s violent tactics, including street protests, sit-ins, and clashes with law-enforcement agencies, have been a hallmark of its activism. These actions often lead to destruction, injuries, and loss of life, eroding public trust and undermining the rule of law. The party’s reliance on violence to achieve its goals has led many to question its commitment to peaceful and democratic processes.
Finally, TLP has developed connections with various political parties and governments over time, often aligning itself with whoever promises to support its agenda or protect its interests. This transactional approach to politics suggests that the TLP’s primary motivation is not religious reform, but the pursuit of power and influence. This opportunistic relationship with political elites has raised concerns about the party’s true intentions and its potential to destabilise Pakistan’s political landscape for its own gain.
Between power and peril
Critics warn that TLP’s drift towards radicalisation poses a serious threat to Pakistan’s social and political stability. The party’s continued appeal to ultraconservative segments of society, particularly in Punjab, and its manipulation of blasphemy laws for political gain have fostered an environment of intolerance and sectarianism.
While it is clear that TLP enjoys significant support from a certain portion of the population, its reliance on violence, threats, and coercion to achieve its objectives only exacerbates Pakistan’s already fragile political environment. Its ability to disrupt the country through street power rather than democratic processes further undermines the stability of an already polarised political system.
Moreover, the Pakistani state has at times been too lenient in dealing with the group, negotiating with the TLP to avoid violent consequences rather than enforcing the rule of law. This dangerous precedent raises concerns about whether the state is losing control over its own institutions.
As for TLP’s future, its trajectory seems unpredictable. On one hand, its ability to mobilise large masses and its vocal opposition to Western influences and secularism give it a solid base among conservative voters, the group’s growing reputation for violence, combined with internal leadership struggles after Khadim Hussain Rizvi’s death and the constant political tension surrounding its legal status, may limit its long-term political viability, on the other.
The question for Pakistan’s government is whether to negotiate a long-term peace deal with TLP, which might offer some concessions but risks emboldening further radicalisation, or to take a stronger stance to curtail the group’s influence. Either way, Pakistan faces a difficult balancing act between managing the TLP’s rising power and preserving the nation’s stability and democratic values.
Speaking to WE News English, Prof. Dr. Ilhan Niaz, a political history expert from the Department of History at the Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, says that the willingness of the TLP to employ violence, incitement to violence, lynching, and its targeting of religious minorities, render it unacceptable as part of Pakistan’s political landscape.
“The organisation in question should not have a future if Pakistan is to have a future worth the name. Regrettably, in Pakistan, the state has a long and sordid history of creating monsters to serve immediate political needs and then vacillating between repression and compromise when the monsters (predictably) get out of control and turn their ire towards the state and society at large.”
At some point, he adds, beyond quelling the TLP, the state needs to take a hard look at its own conduct in creating these crises and desist from such behaviour, for a fireman who is also the arsonist can’t expect much gratitude from society.
