Imran Khan’s Conviction: Legal Aspects, Beyond Politics

Sat Dec 20 2025
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Omay Aimen

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Power reveals its character not in slogans but in paperwork. The quiet registers of the state often speak louder than thunderous rallies, because it is there that the boundary between authority and entitlement is tested.

A Pakistani court on Saturday sentenced former prime minister Imran Khan and his wife Bushra Bibi to 17 years in prison each after convicting them in a corruption case involving the misuse of public office.

The corruption case relates to the purchase of a luxury Bulgari jewellery set at a heavily discounted price.

According to the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA) records, the Bulgari jewellery set was valued at over Rs 71 million. According to the prosecution, Imran Khan had it appraised at only Rs 5.9 million by a private firm.

When a public officeholder receives a gift, the question is not taste or luxury but ownership. State gifts are not personal souvenirs; they are public assets held in trust for the people.

This is why the Toshakhana regime exists, not to embarrass individuals but to protect institutional integrity at the highest levels of government. Framing this matter as politics misses the point entirely.

The real issue is whether rules governing state property apply equally to everyone, including those at the very top. When such rules are weakened or bypassed, the damage is not partisan; it is structural, eroding public confidence in governance itself.

What distinguishes this case from rhetorical controversy is its narrow and defined focus. It is transaction specific, centred on one identified gift: a Bulgari jewellery set received in May 2021.

The allegations are neither abstract nor scattered. They concern three linked acts: non deposit of the gift, deliberate undervaluation, and unlawful personal retention. This precision matters because accountability depends on clarity.

There is no ambiguity about the asset in question, no fishing expedition across years, and no reliance on conjecture. The allegation is simple but serious: a high value state gift was kept out of the proper custodial process in order to manipulate its valuation and secure private benefit. When the facts are framed this tightly, the case stands or falls on evidence, not emotion.

Equally important is the legal architecture under which the matter is being examined. The applicable framework is Toshakhana Procedures 2018, which governed gifts received in 2021.

The record explicitly states that later amendments introduced in 2023 are not relied upon, effectively neutralising any objection of retrospective application at its foundation.

Clause I of the procedures is unambiguous. Every gift, regardless of value, must be reported and physically deposited immediately. Non deposit is not a technical lapse; it triggers appraisal obligations and legal consequences.

The central allegation is that the jewellery set was never physically deposited, allegedly to prevent genuine appraisal and to facilitate undervaluation. The charges arising from this conduct are grave: Section 409 PPC for criminal breach of trust by a public servant, Section 109 PPC for abetment, read with Section 5(2) of the Prevention of Corruption Act 1947, all being tried before Islamabad Special Court Central One.

Politically, this framing matters because it locates the dispute squarely within the rule of law accountability rather than street level mobilisation.

The prosecution narrative explains the offence element by element. For Section 409 PPC, the law requires entrustment in an official capacity and dishonest misappropriation or retention.

The record points to entrustment arising from holding the office of Prime Minister and to dishonest retention through non deposit and personal benefit. This is why the law treats such conduct as a betrayal of office rather than clerical negligence.

The alleged how is addressed through abetment and misconduct. Section 109 PPC is invoked to describe a chain of facilitation, while PCA 5(2) characterises the conduct as abuse of official position to obtain pecuniary advantage.

The evidentiary structure is deliberately multi source. It includes register entries without physical deposit, concerns over a private appraiser lacking recognised expert status and undervaluing under conveyed instructions, and weaknesses in the customs appraisal process, including no physical inspection and absence of specialised jewellery valuation expertise.

These steps are described not as independent assessments but as unlawful endorsements. The credibility layer is reinforced through foreign corroboration. Via a Mutual Legal Assistance route through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bulgari reportedly traced two items and confirmed invoice prices of €300,000 and €80,000, providing an external benchmark against undervaluation claims.

Numbers turn abstraction into injury. According to the record, the loss to the national exchequer stands at PKR 32,851,300. The contrast is stark.

The necklace and earrings were assessed at PKR 1,359,000 and PKR 275,000, against a claimed actual equivalent value of PKR 71,561,600. This disparity is used to argue intent, suggesting that undervaluation was not accidental but engineered.

The due process narrative further weakens the political victimhood claim. The trial has been ongoing since 21 November 2024, spanning roughly fifteen months, with documented procedural steps including notices under Sections 160 and 161 CrPC and an approver disclosure under Section 164 CrPC.

Article 10A fair trial guarantees are cited as having been observed. The gravity of potential sentencing explains why the matter carries moral weight.

Section 409 PPC allows punishment up to life imprisonment or ten years with fine, reflecting how seriously the legislature views breach of trust by a public servant.

Ultimately, the case is presented as conviction capable because it rests on defined duties, a single transaction, corroborated domestic and foreign evidence, quantified loss, and visible due process.

If the highest office treats state property casually, the system learns corruption. If the law holds firm, the system learns discipline.

Omay Aimen

The writer is a freelance contributor and writes on issues concerning national and regional security. She can be reached at: [email protected]

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